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Former Presidential candidate, Alan Keyes shares
his views on the commonalities between abortion and slavery
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| Speech in San Francisco,
3/3/200 You see, people wonder why it is Alan, everywhere he goes, he
always brings up this issue of abortion and I never go anywhere without
mentioning it. Why? Because
abortion is to our time what slavery was to the 19th Century, and
if anyone of conscience went anywhere in the 19th Century and did not
confront the American people with the evil of slavery, then they were not
doing what statesmanship required. Slavery was what discarded and rejected
and denied the
fundamental
principle of right and justice in America, and what was done in the name
of slavery then is done for the sake of abortion now. And the paradigm of
it is quite clear. What is it that is the argument made in favor of
abortion? You can see it in Roe versus Wade and everything else. It's a
privacy argument, and privacy based on what? Well, this is the woman's
body and she has the right to decide what goes on with it. You start from
that. And this child, this babe, this fetus in the womb, what is it? Well,
it's a part of her body utterly dependent on her body, not viable apart
from her body. She has, therefore,
absolute power over this being, and given that absolute power she has the
absolute right to dispose of it according to her will. We don't recognize
what that's saying? What that's saying is that power makes for right.
Might makes for right. If I have you in my power, I may dispose of you and
your life according to my will. And if that argument is now
accepted, and we have embraced it as a fundamental principle of law, then
we have rejected the right principle.
For if our right, our most basic
and conditional right, the right to life itself comes to us not from God
but from our mother's choice, then there is no human right that transcends
in its claim, human choice and human power. Abortion is the paradigm, the
ultimate paradigm of despotism, tyranny, oppression, slavery, holocaust.
And I see this all the time. I was down in South Carolina not long ago. I
was down in South Carolina not long ago and a young lady comes up to me
after I had given a talk just like this, and she says "I was listening to
your speech and I want to know how come you can prefer the rights of
potential persons to those of actual persons." I'll never forget that
moment because she was the very paradigm--if you want to think of some
little slip of the thing that projected the very wonderful wholesome air
of American womanhood. And she was speaking to me in what; in the chilling
language of holocaust and atrocity. And she didn't even know what she was
doing. I looked at her and I said, "You know, I have a 17-year-old son.
How old are you?" And she said, "Nineteen." And I said, "You know, you
make a very rash assumption in what you ask me there." She looked me
quizzically, and I said, "Because given my experience with my 17-year-old
son, I have to tell you there are many days on which I am not entirely
sure that people of your age are actual persons at all." And then to drive
the point home even further, I looked at her and I said, "I hope you don't
think that I will hear those words and forget that 120, 130 odd years ago
Frederick Douglass had to go in front of audiences with a speech entitled
"That the Negro is a Man." To prove that he and others like me were actual
persons." See, why do people forget this? They speak this cold-blooded
language to people like myself as if we're too stupid to remember that the
day before yesterday we were not considered actual persons. And that if
today we deny the principle on which we stood in order to demand respect
for our humanity, if we deny it to
those human beings in the womb, it will be denied once again to us and to
others. Because then it just becomes a matter of who you can get on your
side to draw the line between humanity and nonhumanity, personhood and
nonpersonhood, and then the majority can oppress and the powerful can
abuse. And those who end up on the wrong side have nothing.
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